It damned well better be an occupation
by Matt Giwer, © 2010 [Jan 1]

See also Notes in the Margin


It never ceases to amaze me when apologists for Israel deny there is a military occupation of Gaza, the Golan Heights, East Jerusalem and the West Bank. What is their purpose in denying it is an occupation? The meaning of an occupation is well defined by Hague V, the Treaty on Land Warfare. Far from giving rights to the occupied people it does in fact give rights to the occupying power. The powers are limited so as to avoid might makes right, to make the rights equitable, and avoid making them a cause for rebellion. They were conceived with both being an occupier and being occupied in mind.

Without these recognized rights of the occupying power all actions against the occupied people are criminal acts by individuals upon other individuals. These provisions grant immunity to individual soldiers and government officials of all ranks and positions from ordinary criminal charges. In return it simply limits their powers to what a reasonable official of the occupied country would do in day to day affairs. It is little more than how one would wish to be treated if the roles were reversed and granted the situation is unpleasant for the occupied and dangerous for the occupier.

If there is no occupation by what right does any individual Israeli have the right to tell any Palestinian what to do or what not to do? The only mitigating case would be action to prevent one Palestinian from harming another under the good Samaritan provisions of common law. There would be no mitigation in preventing the harm of a non-resident as non-residents have no right to be in the "unoccupied" territory. Neither the government nor the military of Israel has the power to grant such a right as there is no Israeli sovereignty over these territories.

If there is no occupation the members of the IDF are nothing more than armed thugs and officials of the government of Israel are no more than the henchmen of warlords. The Israeli civilians are nothing more than criminal squatters as there is no one to grant them the right to live within the territories.

If there were a military occupation then the military and the government of Israel would have explicit though limited rights in the occupied lands. They would have the right to maintain peace and order and see to the ordering of the internal affairs of the people. Without a formal occupation they have only the power of armed thugs.

If there were an occupation the squatters could retreat to their role as military defenders of Israel which they enjoyed through the 70s and 80s and into the pre-Oslo 90s. As they are no longer military outposts for the defense of Israel they are literally no different from squatters and all of them criminals in common law. No one has the unrestricted right to set up housekeeping wherever they choose. Without an occupation there is no one to grant such a right even if the granting is simply the absence of objection.

Far from being intended as limitations the terms and conditions of occupation are a means of making the reasonable and necessary actions of the occupying power lawful. Simply, someone has to keep the peace but foreigners have no right to assume that responsibility. Necessary public works need continue but foreigners have no right to assure they continue. The occupying power has no right to draw from the public coffers even to pay wages that are lawfully due. The occupation provisions of Hague V grant these powers as just and necessary.

In return the occupied people are expected to abide by the rules set down by the occupying power and are not permitted to rebel against them. Without these rules of occupation the occupied people have every right to kill off any person who is a citizen of or acting at the behest of or on behalf of the occupying power. Without these rules the people have no obligation to obey the occupying power and cannot be convicted of disobedience in a court of law as the occupying power has no right to conduct a court of law without these provisions.

The right to kill the foreigners in the absence of a formal occupation arises from them being no different from armed thugs if they do not act under color of the provisions of a lawful occupation. They have no protection under the laws of the occupied people nor do the laws of the occupying power extend to the occupied land. Only extending sovereignty over the occupied lands or establishing a formal military occupation can extend the rule of law to the land.

There is a certain purity in Israel attempting to turn back the clock at least a thousand years by invoking a divine right granted to them by a god. At least it attempts to put their actions on a level higher than those of a street gang. That the world has never been comfortable with such claims and as the west in particular has centuries of bloodshed as a legacy of attempts to enforce the conflicting wills of the same god on each other makes this a most undesirable invocation. This is in addition to the Crusades fought over this exact same lands and in deed over the exact same city, Jerusalem. Of all the mistakes of the past these are among the least desirable to repeat.

In being so afraid of the limitations imposed upon an occupying power (and accepted by Israel as a signatory) Israel has placed itself in a position where it has no lawful authority at all in the occupied territories. No attempt to put the color of law upon its actions is possible. It is also not possible for the Palestinians to acquiesce to Israeli law by using its courts as its courts have no lawful jurisdiction in in territories which are not occupied.

Compounding this is Israel's insistence that this is a totally new situation which is not governed by any precedent while at the same time making no attempt to establish an equitable regime for this supposedly unique condition. Rather it behaves in a manner which were the reasons for the development of the provisions for occupation in Hague V. Instead of working to create an equitable situation its actions serve to illustrate the causes which necessitated the treaty provisions.

When I read just the paid and volunteer apologists for Israel on the internet denying there is an occupation I am at most annoyed. When I read Israel's deputyl foreign minister Danny Ayalon making the same claim in the Wall Street Journal I wonder how the stereotype of smart Jews got started. Is bringing up a stereotype in the negative sense antisemitic or am I to expect the stereotype to be false?


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